On 8 October, outside the Fung Sing Sing Chemical Plant in Jiangsu Xuzhou, workers in working clothes gathered at the side of the road awaiting a long-delayed compensation programme. It was only discovered at the factory that the door-bar card, which had worked for many years, had been disabled. The workers who had been required to wait two days for notification of their return to work had come up on 9 October with another decision: the business was no longer in business and some 8,900 workers were facing severance pay or relocation. > >anan-Agean interview with Worker Gao on 11 October, obtained details of the shutdown, from closure, collective rights to the declaration of a cutoff.

The timeline began on 28 September. The company then informed the company of the closure of the business on 1 October and the time of resumption of work, on the grounds of the market environment and the state of operations of the industry. After the National Day holiday, workers feared that indefinite waiting for work would delay financial compensation and requested a clear arrangement for the concentration of their work on 8 October. The live material from yesterday's record shows that the police were present and Mr. Gao's video indicating to the press that he had uploaded was deleted by the cyber police. For business operators, the shutdown may be a mere business adjustment; For workers who are on a monthly wage basis, the expiration of the door ban and the disappearance of the date of resumption mean that the family ' s cash income may be interrupted at any time.

On the morning of 9 October, the factory brought its employees to the district canteens to propose a scheme for calculating financial compensation based on the number of years of service. According to Mr. Gao, payments are proposed for workers with a value of less than $50,000, with a provisional two-part payment for workers with longer years of service and higher compensation; The relevant development area departments monitor accounting. The company requires that workers not gather outside the factory, and prohibits the taking of photographs in the administrative district. While the cash pressure of the enterprise is reduced, the instalments transfer the risk of future payments to workers, especially older employees who have not yet been given a clear payment date.

This option has not yet resolved all outstanding amounts. According to Mr. Gao, employees are still after the severance of pension insurance, the May and August bonuses and the payment of salaries from September to October. The plant intends to place some of its employees in related companies or sub-units of the Sosal Group, but many of them refuse to transfer to another place of work and wish to find a job once the compensation has been settled. Many of the clients are 45 years old; The question of whether the so-called “placement of work” would maintain continuity of the original remuneration, the former duty station and social security when the local options were limited is more important than the word “replacement” appearing on paper.

中国制造业工人旧照,非徐州丰县10月8日维权现场。来源:Wikimedia Commons,按原始页面授权署名
中国制造业工人旧照,非徐州丰县10月8日维权现场。来源:Wikimedia Commons,按原始页面授权署名 · 查看图片来源 ↗

The factory was written as a model of local industrialization development. >, published in 2017 by the Economic Development Area of the Bund County, says that the Bishing Salt Project started in 2009 and started production in 2011, designed to produce 600,000 tons of pure alkali and 600,000 tons of ammonium chloride annually, and was created with the aim of creating a new `bundling'. Some 2,000 jobs were created as a priority for investment promotion. It is a narrative that emphasizes the land, investment and future tax sources of the industry. Nine years later, the reality described by workers to the media was that product prices had fallen to cost lines, factories had ceased to work and skilled industrial workers faced unemployment. Local governments have considered these projects as development outcomes, and now more than just sharing performance when the project is being built, they should publicly state the specific supervisory responsibility of the employee for placement, non-payment of social security and compensation payments.

纯碱工厂工业资料照,2010年摄于澳大利亚Penrice厂,非本案丰成工厂。用于说明纯碱生产工艺行业背景。摄影:UrbzAdelaide/Wikimedia Commons
纯碱工厂工业资料照,2010年摄于澳大利亚Penrice厂,非本案丰成工厂。用于说明纯碱生产工艺行业背景。摄影:UrbzAdelaide/Wikimedia Commons · 查看图片来源 ↗

<a href="https://laborinfocn3.com/articles/109919The cost description provided by Mr. Gao is particularly noteworthy: the cost of a ton of products is around $1,300, while the price of the product is only 800, the more the loss of production. This is an observation of the business operations of the parties and cannot be directly equated with the financial statements, but it shows that the expansion of manufacturing capacity in China does not automatically lead to stable employment. (b) Long-term local competition for similar projects, which create large fixed assets and productive capacity; When the market went down, the indicators of plant, machine and local taxation remained on the books, first and foremost for workers who were in need of monthly wages.

According to the member author, Aji, who has long been following labour rights, the most striking aspect of the Bong incident is not the fact that an enterprise has finally acknowledged the shutdown, but the fact that the right of workers to access information about their business and to participate in the settlement negotiations remains weak until the closure. (b) The ability of the plant to unilaterally shut down the door, restrict the camera and declare instalments; Workers must gather and be pressured to appear before the police to see the text of the compensation. The so-called “legal placement” cannot mean merely passive receipt of a sum of money by workers under the supervision of the county, but must also have a clear payment date, a calculated salary base, a list of social security contributions and a channel of relief in individual disputes.

On 11 October, Mr. Gao said that most people only wanted to leave with money. The real hard part for skilled chemical workers in their 40s may not be the day they leave the factory, but how to stop their own wages, pension insurance and years of labour compensation from becoming a waiting gamble when the next job is hard to find.

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