Taiwan’s vice president, Chose Meijin, visited Vintotene in Italy to attend the second European Forum on Freedom and Democracy. Beijing subsequently proposed “serious negotiations” with Italy and the European Union and publicly attacked the visit as “abominable” “in vain”.But from the actual outcome, Chinese diplomatic pressure did not prevent the vice president of Taiwan from entering the European political space, but instead let the European Parliament openly state that Beijing has no right to decide who can speak at the European Forum.
原始来源 · reuters.comTaiwan's vice president on rare Europe visit which China calls 'despicable'路透社关于萧美琴访问意大利及北京抗议的报道。reuters.com ↗The political significance of this visit is not whether or not Taiwan has obtained a new formal diplomatic recognition, but a more realistic change: some European political forces are gradually reducing concerns about Beijing’s “punitive response”.In the past, Beijing has often used markets, diplomacy and political retaliation as a tool to block Taiwan’s highest level from entering the European public political space; today, this deterrent still exists, but the effect is declining.
The secret arrangement of the trip shows that Beijing's pressure is still real.

The Vice-President of the European Parliament, Pina Picierno, confirmed that the presence of Chose Meijin was not public before his arrival due to concerns about Chinese interference. This detail shows that China’s cross-border political pressure has not gone away. European organizers still need to take a confidential approach to avoid Beijing’s early pressure on the Italian government, event organizers or transport and visa links.
But the end result is equally clear: not only has Chose Meijin managed to arrive in Italy, but he has also made public speeches on the forum, and has been at the top of the European Parliament. Beijing has been able to create a benchmark but has not been able to prevent the events from happening. This is exactly the new difficulty facing Chinese overseas influence: deterrence still exists, but obedience is becoming increasingly difficult to ensure.
原始来源 · focustaiwan.twTaiwan has right to make friends despite Chinese pressure: VP Hsiao中央社关于萧美琴在文托泰内论坛发言的报道。focustaiwan.tw ↗European politicians begin publicly rejecting Beijing’s “license right”
Picierno openly stated that no country, including China, has the right to decide who can attend the European Democratic Forum. she defined Ventoteine as a symbol of freedom, resistance and democracy, and clearly placed the pressure Taiwan faces within the framework of authoritarian threats.
In the past, many European countries have often stressed that “one-China policy” coexisted with unofficial exchanges on the Taiwan issue, avoiding touching the high-level red line of contact with Beijing’s most sensitive people. Today, at least among some politicians in the European Parliament, Beijing’s “prohibition” on representatives in Taiwan is no longer accepted by default.
This is why Beijing has reacted strongly.The Chinese Communist Party is not really concerned about a forum speech, but about the replication of this precedent: if Taiwan's top level can continue to access the European Parliament, the Democratic Forum, local governments and the network of transnational political parties, then the Chinese Communist Party's long-term diplomatic isolation mechanisms will have more and more gaps.
Beijing protests are having counter-effects
China's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Mao Zedong, openly attacked the People's Progressive Party authorities "everywhere" and offered negotiations to Italy and the European Union.In line with Beijing's traditional diplomatic operations, such statements intended to release a punitive signal to third countries: receiving Taiwan's highest level would bring political costs.
原始来源 · videoembed.ansa.itPechino, 'dura protesta' con Italia e Ue per vicepresidente di Taiwan a VentoteneANSA关于北京就萧美琴访意向意大利与欧盟提出交涉的报道。videoembed.ansa.it ↗But in this event, the intense protests instead increased the international exposure of the visit of Zhao Meijin. An original regional democratic forum, because of Beijing's high pressure, quickly became a diplomatic event of European media and international news agency attention. The Chinese Communist Party tried to undermine Taiwan's international visibility, but through its own protests sent Taiwan's vice president to a larger international news platform.
Beijing's high-pressure reaction to the visit of parliamentarians to Taiwan, Taiwanese representatives to international conferences, and foreign politicians to Taiwan's contacts can create a cold-heat effect in the short term, but also strengthen the impression of the European society in the long run: the Chinese Communist Party is trying to extend its political red line to the public space of other countries.
From diplomatic blockade to cross-border political control, Europe is redefining the issue.
In the past, the Taiwan issue was often treated by European governments as part of China-U.S. relations or cross-Straits relations; now, part of European politics has begun to place it within the framework of “authoritarian influence” and “democratic resilience.”
Once the question of whether to recognize Taiwan turns to whether Beijing has the right to intervene in Europe, who can speak and who can attend meetings, China’s former diplomatic advantage will be weakened.
The real blow to Chose Mecheng’s visit to Italy was the imagination that the Communist Party had a factual veto over the European political space. Beijing can still protest, pressure and threaten, but it can no longer guarantee that every pressure will be in exchange for canceling invitations, refusing visas or reducing contact levels.
For Taiwan, this change is more of a long-term significance than a formal relationship; for the Communist Party of China, it means its overseas influence is entering a phase of rising costs and decreasing effects.

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